Nick Wayth, formerly Chief Development Officer of Alternative Energy at BP, will take up the position of Chief Executive Officer of the Energy Institute (EI), beginning May 4, 2021EI is a British headquartered global chartered professional membership body, which says it “articulates the voice of energy experts, taking the know-how of around 20,000 members and 200 companies from 120 countries to the heart of the public debate”.Wayth takes over from Louise Kingham, who has headed the EI and its precursor bodies for more than twenty years.
Ms. Kingham is stepping down this month to become UK Head of Country and Senior Vice President for Europe at BP.Wayth, who holds a PhD in Mechanical / Electrical Engineering and a degree in Mechanical Engineering, both from the University of Southampton, has spent nearly 22 years at BP plc in a broad variety of executive and management roles. Most recently he held the post of Chief Development Officer of Alternative Energy, where he led BP’s strategy and business development in a broad range of renewable technologies, including solar, offshore wind and digital energy. Through this role he was also a member of the BP Ventures Investment Committee, sponsoring several of BP’s venture investments.
Canadian minnow Decklar Resources has contracted a 1300 HP trailer-mounted drilling rig that is currently located in Port Harcourt, approximately 60 km from the Oza Oil Field in Nigeria’s Niger Delta Basin.
The drilling rig will be used for the re-entry and testing of the Oza-1 well, then immediately followed by the drilling of a horizontal development well from the Oza-1 drilling pad.
Oza field is a marginal field operated by Millennium Oil &Gas, currently producing no more than 400Barrels a day.
Decklar Resources has consummated a risk service agreement with Millennium Oil &Gas and its partners on the field, to fund and technically operate a revamp which will lead to increase in output.
The company says that drilling of additional development wells is planned after completion and analysis of the re-entry and horizontal wells at the Oza-1 location.
It is anticipated that the drilling rig will commence its mobilization to the Oza Field in the week of April 12, 2021, with the move expected to take approximately seven days.
Further, the camp to house the personnel engaged to provide support for operations and related logistics facilities is currently being moved and set up at the Oza Oil Field.
Additionally, equipment and supplies with longer lead times that are needed to test and complete the Oza-1 well as part of the re-entry activities have been ordered, secured, and are expected to arrive in Nigeria over the next two to five weeks. Service contractors have been sourced and contracted for the near-term operational activities.
In 2015, PricewaterhouseCoopers PwC, the global advisory firm, declared that a large pool of respondents to its annual survey were concerned that South Africa’s policy makers did not understand the hydrocarbon industry.
I read the report with alarm. I responded with a sense of outrage.
Governments sometimes make the wrong calls, I argued in a column, in a monthly edition of Africa Oil+Gas Report, with the example of the UK Government’s tax regimes that led to massive disinvestment in the North Sea. “But you can’t dismiss an entire government as having no clue about an industry”, I declared.
At the time, I was impressed by Pretoria’s roll out of its Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement (REIPPP) programme which had, between 2012 and 2015, attracted billions of dollars of investment in over 5,000MW of renewables without a single cent coming from the treasury. The government was considering the same strategy for getting natural gas into the energy mix. If that worked, I enthused, it could alter the downward trajectory of Africa’s most industrialised economy.
But I’d spoken too soon. By mid-2016, the country’s widely applauded renewable energy programme had been thrown out the window. Just one statement by Brian Molefe, then the CEO of Eskom, South Africa’s be-all and end-all of energy issues, and the entire REIPPP had collapsed like a park of cards. He said that the projects were too expensive, and when Eskom factored what it would pay the producers into its cost of delivering power from the sun and wind into homes, electricity tariffs would balloon. It turned out that Mr. Molefe’s statement wasn’t true in every material particular, but his remarks had shut down an entire industry. It would take the country a full four years to return to the renewables track, but significant opportunity had been lost.
Today, with the country gripped by excitement around significant discoveries of natural gas and condensates off its western coast by TOTAL, the French oil major, there’s a frenzied debate about whether government would speedily push, for passage, the draft Upstream Petroleum Resources Development Bill (Upstream Bill), released in December 2019.
It had always been assumed that, as an industrialised economy, South Africa has the absorptive capacity to monetise large discoveries of hydrocarbon at terribly short notice. In reality, South Africa is closer to what Mozambique was in 2010; a jurisdiction without a clue about how large sized, deepwater gas would be developed, than it is to Egypt in 2015; which took the discovery of 30Trillion cubic feet of gas in 2,000 metre water depth, to market by 2017. “One of the obstacles to open the economic potential of South Africa’s offshore operations is a lack of legislative certainty”, lawyers would tell you, “which has also been acknowledged as an investor deterrence:”
My experience, as an energy reporter watching the country’s attitude to procurement and utilization of hydrocarbon resources and allied energy industry, is that there’s no sense of urgency to create a coherent framework.
As I have written severally in Africa Oil+Gas Report, the absence of a framework for gas intake and utilisation is a core reason for the looming shutdown of the 200Million standard cubic feet of gas per day (200MMscf/d) state-run Gas to Liquid (GTL) plant which, at inception, was the largest such plant in the world. For 14 years now, as far as I know, government officials have expressed concern about the decline of gas feedstock for the Gas to Liquid plant, but all they do is flail their arms; no one has lifted a finger to do anything about alternative feedstock.
The absence of a coherent guidance on gas to industry is why Sasol’s importation of (currently about) 400Million standard cubic feet of gas a day does not come across as a leverage factor for what the country can do with gas.
In mid-2015, the government announced it was working on a Gas Utilisation Master Plan, GUMP, which analyses the potential and opportunity for the development of South Africa’s gas economy and sets out a plan of how this could be achieved. Key objectives were to enable the development of indigenous gas resources and to create the opportunity to stimulate the introduction of a portfolio of gas supply options. It’s been 68 months since the first announcement and the details of plan remains resolutely unfinalized.
The Upstream Petroleum Resources Development Bill (Upstream Bill), is the most current edition of a draft legislation that has stayed in parliament for over 10 years. Let’s remember how we got here:
Between the moment of the faceoff between Shell and the antifracking activists of the Karoo Basin in 2011 and the announcement of the GUMP in 2015, the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) returned to parliament for amendment. It stayed in debate mode, unpassed, for seven years, challenged, in part by Exploration and Production companies for harbouring certain clauses, one of which entitles the state to a 20% free carry in exploration and production rights and an ‘uncapped’ further participation clause allowing the state up to 80% at an agreed price or under a production sharing agreement. In the event, the executive arm of government decided to disaggregate oil and gas from mineral resources and present a different law in parliament that focuses strictly on hydrocarbons. That is how it became the Upstream Petroleum Resources Development Bill (Upstream Bill). Still, it has been talk talk talk.
There’s a bit of good news now, of course. The S.A. Government has enunciated a tactic, not a strategy for getting natural gas into the electricity fuel mix. In March 2021, energy minister Gwede Mantashe announced preferred bidders to provide emergency power to the country, which continues to face power outages. Of the eight bidders that are allowed provide a total of 1,845 megawatts from various technologies to be connected to the grid by August 2022, three bidders will provide 1,220MW of power from LNG. This will be the first formal introduction of natural gas into the country’s energy mix and it is not coming from any broad-based strategy to bring in gas to “energise the economy”. Let me provide a quick context.
In October 2016, a preliminary information memorandum, outlining the scope of a LNG Gas-to-Power programme was released by the Independent Power Programme office IPPO for prospective and interested bidders. The programme planned up to 3,000MW of Capacity from the gas-fired power generation facilities. Its first phase, targeting 2,000MW, aimed to identify and select successful bidders and enable them to develop, finance, construct and operate a gas-fired power generation plant at each of the two ports: Nqurra and Richards Bay in the Eastern Cape and Kwazulu Natal provinces respectively. The successful bidder would be required to put in place the gas supply chain to fuel the plant with gas from imported LNG and would provide the anchor gas demand on which LNG import and regasification facilities can be established at the Ports, providing the basis for LNG import, storage and regasification facilities, available also for use by other parties for LNG import and gas utilisation. This project has been on the back burner in the last four years and it has stalled. This IPP plan is not to be confused with the emergency power announcement of March 2021.
Nor can we tie the emergency power announcement to the Integrated Resource Plan, or IRP, published in October 2019, which seeks to chart the means by which the country will manage and meet its electricity needs leading up to the year 2040. The plan provides insight into the state’s 20-year approach to SA’s energy mix IRP 2019 envisages, among other energy types, some 1000 MW of Gas To Power capacity being introduced into the South African grid by 2024, with a further 2 000 MW to be added by 2027.
If we consider all of these halting steps and indecisions, we get a sense that there is no blueprint in the horizon, to ensure: Gas to Industry (GTI) through new gas infrastructure to such industrial zones as Mossel Bay, Coega (South) West Coast to Saldanha/Cape Town, which can reduce energy costs for SA manufacturing; enhance expansion/modernisation of existing state owned GTL plant; roll-out of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) fuelled transport; natural filling station network and repowering of truck and bus fleets, leading to balance of payments savings (reduced oil imports); gas to communities (GTC) which can allow huge benefits for rural/poor communities (e.g. reduced wood consumption, increased safety).
Policy paralysis around hydrocarbon resources, whether mined in country or imported, is at the heart of why a natural gas market hasn’t taken off properly in South Africa.
The political elite says all the right things all the time about what natural gas can do for the slumbering economic giant of Africa. But nothing actually gets done.
The Nigerian government has revoked the four Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs) operated by Addax Petroleum in the country.
The PSCs are in respect of Oil Mining Leases (OMLs) 123, 124, 126 and 137, all operated by Addax Petroleum Development Nigeria Ltd (APDNL) and Addax Petroleum Exploration Nigeria Ltd (APENL).
The decision was conveyed in a letter signed by the Director of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the industry regulatory agency.
The government has, almost immediately, awarded those assets to Kaztec Engineering Limited/Salvic Petroleum Resources Limited (KEL/Salvic) Consortium, consisting of two Nigerian owned independents, with effect from March 23, 2021, with the approval of President Muhammadu Buhari.
The re-award happened so swiftly after the revocation letter, in a matter of three days, leading to the Easter Holiday weekend, that the process signals itself as unusual.
The key reason adduced by the state for the revocation was lack of compliance with work programme targets. The properties are all producing assets on which royalties are being paid and revocation is hardly applied on for work programme issues, even though government publicly frowns upon companies “sitting” on acreages without working them. OMLs 123 and 124 were expected to expire in 2022 while OMLs 126 and 137 December 2024 and May 2027 respectively, according to the Nigerian Oil Industry Annual Report published by the DPR.
The apparent haste of the re-award also raises questions as to why the acreages are not put in a basket for a bid round, considering that government is working on a bid round of acreages, which it hopes to commence after the conclusion of the ongoing Marginal Field bid round, expected to wrap up by May 1, 2021. The national consensus around acreage offerings, which has now found its way to the Petroleum Industry Bill, is that the minister ceases discretionary awards of acreages and that hydrocarbon properties, once they become open, are part of periodic, transparent, licensing sale.
The award to Kaztec and Salvic grants Production Sharing Contracts (PSC) arrangements for OMLs 123, 124 and 126(70%-30%: KEL/Salvic-NNPC production ratio split for each asset) and Sole Risk arrangement for OML 137. The government says that the conditions governing the award include the payment of Good and Valuable Consideration and Minimum Work Programme Commitment for each of the assets, “which shall be communicated to you in due course”. The DPR says it will, very soon, invite KEL/Salvic Consortium, Addax Petroleum Development Nigeria Ltd (APDNL) and Addax Petroleum Exploration Nigeria Ltd (APENL), which it describes as “the previous operators of the assets” and the NNPC -the concessionaire, to a meeting to begin preliminary handover formalities accordingly.
Tullow Oil has announced the start of a multi-year, multi-well drilling campaign offshore Ghana with the commencement of drilling of the first well at the Jubilee Field yesterday.
The drillship Maersk Venturer, which has been contracted for four years, is expected to drill four wells in total in 2021, consisting of two Jubilee production wells, one Jubilee water injector well and one TEN gas injector well.
The 2021 drilling campaign is the first part of Tullow’s 10-year Business Plan which was presented at Tullow’s Capital Markets Day in November 2020. The Ghana portfolio has a large resource base with extensive infrastructure already in place.
“Through a rigorous focus on costs and capital discipline, Tullow believes that these assets have the potential to generate material cash flow over the next decade and deliver significant value for Ghana and investors”, the company says in a statement.
“Throughout this campaign, Tullow will continue to implement its Shared Prosperity strategy through a strong local content programme with suppliers in Ghana, the professional and technical development of Ghanaian nationals and continued investment in STEM education, enterprise development and shared infrastructure”.
ENI has decided to make a consideration of €11.8Million available as an agreed sanction in a corruption case involving one of its managers in the Republic of Congo (Congo Brazzaville).
The decision was taken “following the reduction of the alleged offence to undue inducement by the Court of Milan”, the company declared in a statement.
ENI has by so doing “adhered to the hypothesis of agreed sanctions submitted by the Public Prosecutor, and has submitted its request”.
The Giudice per le indagini preliminari (GIP, the judge in charge for preliminary investigations) accepted the proposal of agreed sanctions as submitted by the Public Prosecutor and which ENI adhered to.
Even then, the company says that the deal “does not represent an admission of guilt by the company in relation to the alleged offence but an initiative aimed at avoiding the continuation a judicial process that would entail further expenditure of resources from ENI and all the involved parties”, ENI insists in a statement, arguing further, that “the verdict also confirms the resilience of the company’s anti-bribery control systems”.
Adegbola Adesina has been appointed Chief Finance Officer at Niger Delta Exploration and Production (NDEP), the operator of the Ogbele oil producing field and a 11,00BOPD gasoline refinery complex in eastern Nigeria.
He started on the job on March 22, 2021, crossing directly from Newcross E&P, where he was Head, Corporate Finance until the early weeks of-March 2021. Newcross E&P is a Nigerian independent producer and operator of the Oil Mining Lease (OML) 24, also in eastern Nigeria.
Adesina had previously worked as Chief Finance Officer at Greenville LNG Ltd, a downstream supplier of natural gas in the country.
“He will add leadership, strength, content and capacity to our existing vibrant Finance function team”, said Ladi Jadesinmi, Chairman of the board of directors of NDEP. The company’s finance team, the chairman added, has “hitherto, managed successfully the healthy upkeep of our financial activities and, yearly improving robust performances and success of the organization”.
Adesina takes hold of NDEP’s CFO job after a vacancy the company had painstakingly tried to fill for two years.
He comes armed with an Executive MBA (2019) from the INSEAD Business School, as well as a First-Class Bachelor’s degree in Accounting (2002) from the University of Lagos. He is an Associate Member of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), and has also earned the Chartered Financial Analyst (CFA) designation.
“His immediate past 10 years have been spent leading multi-disciplinary project teams that provided management, financial and accounting advisory services for project-specific and corporate transactions”, NDEP says in a statement. “These roles involve a working understanding of the entire business value chain, with emphasis on how commercial arrangements and business risks impact cash flows and profitability. He brings to the group, these rich experiences and understanding of both domestic and international capital markets, having advised clients on listings and capital raises in Nigeria, London and Canadian exchanges”.
A tripartite agreement involving the governments of Uganda and Tanzania and the French oil major TOTAL, is expected to be publicly signed at the State House, Entebbe, Uganda, on April 11, 2021.
The event was postponed from March 22, 2021, as a result of the March 17 death of Tanzanian President John Magufuli.
The agreement will signal the Final Investment Decision(FID) -and the launch-of the Tilenga Development Project (the upstream oilfield development) and East African Crude Oil Pipeline (the main midstream project).
With the entire 1.3Billion barrels (recoverable reserves) in the Ugandan side of the Lake Albert Basin at stake, and 230,000Barrels of Oil Per Day expected to be output at peak production, the Tilenga-Kingfisher project is the biggest onshore upstream crude oil development in Africa in 20 years.
The continent has witnessed only deep-water developments of this magnitude, since TOTAL operated Girassol field came onstream offshore Angola in 2001.
Libya and Algeria, sites of Africa’s largest onshore fields, have not developed anything close to a 230,000BOPD project anywhere since Girassol’s first oil.
The Tilenga project, located in the Buliisa and Nwoya districts in Lake Albert, is operated by TOTAL (56.6%), in partnership with CNOOC and the Ugandan National Oil Company (UNOC). It includes the development of six fields and the drilling of around 400 wells on 31 locations. Production will be delivered through buried pipelines to a treatment plant built in Kasenyi, for the separation and treatment of the fluids (oil, water, gas). All of the water produced will be reinjected into the fields and the gas will be used to produce the energy needed for the treatment process. Surplus electricity will be exported to the pipeline and the Ugandan grid.
The Kingfisher development, whose production and processing facilities are located on the Buhuka Flats at the shores of Lake Albert in the Kikuube district, is the second upstream project in the basinwide development. It is operated by CNOOC. Whereas Tilenga will deliver 190,000BOPD at peak, Kingfisher will do 40,000BOPD at peak.
The East African Crude Oil Pipeline is a transborder 1,443 kilometre crude oil export infrastructure that will ferry the waxy crude from Kabaale in Hoima district to the Chongoleani Peninsula in the Tanzanian port town of Tanga on the coast of the Indian Ocean. It comprises a 24-inch insulated buried pipeline, six pumping stations (two in Uganda, four in Tanzania) and a marine export terminal.
In Uganda, it will cover a distance of 296 kilometres through 10 districts (Hoima, Kakumiro, Kyankwanzi, Mubende, Gomba, Sembabule, Lwengo, Kyotera, Rakai, Kikuube) and 25 sub counties.
In Tanzania, it will cover a distance of 1, 147 kilometres, through eight regions (Kagera, Geita, Shiyanga, Tabora, Singida, Dodoma).
Government and IOC partners are currently working out the final details of the Shareholders’ Agreement (SHA), Tariff and Transport Agreement (TTA) Enabling Legislation (EACOP Bill) and Engineering, Procurement and Construction management (EPCm).
First oil from the Tilenga-Kingfisher project is expected by mid-2025.
Construction of the 60,000BOPD refinery is expected to begin in late 2023, with commissioning by 2026. The export project is, regardless of the wishes of the Ugandan government, the top priority.
“You may kill me with your hatefulness, but still, like air, I’ll rise”. Maya Angelou was so right. These profound words do ring true today when we look at the recent coward attacks by terrorists against defenseless Mozambicans. There’s so much at stake in Mozambique, where the separatist militia known as Haul Sunnah Wa-Jamo (ASWJ) has stepped up its campaign to seize territory in Cabo Delgado, the country’s northernmost province.
On March 24, 2021, more than 100 ASWJ fighters attacked Palma, a town in Cabo Delgado, from three sides. Mozambique’s Defense and Security Forces, known locally as SDS, moved in quickly and mounted a counter-attack the next day, but they were not able to regain control immediately.
They also did not arrive in time to prevent Palma’s residents from violence and death. As of the time of this writing, the number of exact casualties is still unknown, but credible sources have reported that there are dead bodies on the streets of the town — and that some of the corpses have been beheaded.
Mozambique’s government has strong incentives to push back against ASWJ, which has been staging deadly attacks in Cabo Delgado since 2017.
From a diplomatic and political standpoint, it is keen to preserve the territorial integrity of the country and quash the threat to the central government’s authority. (This is a sensitive issue, since many residents of Cabo Delgado feel marginalized and ignored by the government, even if they don’t view ASWJ as a viable alternative.)
From a geopolitical standpoint, it is intent on prevailing against a group that is serving as the local arm of the Islamic State, also known as Daesh. It’s not interested in letting the country become a haven for terrorism. And yes, this is terrorism – not fighting, not unrest, but terror. Sometimes we in the energy industry have to call it for what it is, no matter how careful we may want to be.
Mozambican leaders understand very well that launching a counterinsurgency push in Cabo Delgado against these extremists will not just defeat the tiny and desperate bands of armed terrorist. Instead, if experience in the rest of the world is any guide, it could transform these zeros into heroes. It will embolden them and strengthen their resolve. And it will enable them to excel in their favorite role, that of persecuted martyr. We must win them over with carrots and sticks and transform communities. Pretty smart thinking. They want to do this right and they want results and still keep the country together. We should support them.
From an economic standpoint, it is determined to eliminate obstacles to the development of the huge natural gas fields that lie off the coast of Cabo Delgado. These gas reserves have already attracted more than $50Billion worth of investment commitments from consortia led by major international oil companies (IOCs) such as France’s TOTAL, Italy’s ENI, and U.S.-based ExxonMobil. TOTAL and its partners have already devoted a great deal of time, effort, and money to the establishment of an onshore base and liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant on the Afungi Peninsula.
This complex, which is just a few kilometers away from Palma, will support upstream development work at the offshore block known as Area 1. It isn’t yet complete, though. If it can’t be finished, TOTAL will have a hard time proceeding with its $20Billion Mozambique LNG project — and ENI and ExxonMobil will have a hard time following suit with their own South Coral LNG and Rovuma LNG projects. This is a real threat, given that TOTAL had to suspend work and evacuate workers from the construction site in January, following a series of attacks near Palma in December. Indeed, it’s worth noting that the attack on Palma occurred shortly after reports emerged that TOTAL was preparing to bring workers back before the end of March.
Terrorism and Human Suffering
But the threat to Mozambique isn’t just about gas. It isn’t just about money or security or power or territorial integrity.
It’s also about people. Human beings.
The conflict in Cabo Delgado is wrecking people’s lives on a vast scale. More than 700,000 people have already fled their homes in northern Mozambique, and the count is still rising. UNHCR, the United Nations’ refugee agency, says the number could top 1 Million by the middle of the year if the international community does not take steps to end the conflict.
Thanks to the support and encouragement from President Filipe Nyusi, his government and the governor of Cabo Delgado. I went to Cabo Delgado. The President and Mozambican officials ensured my delegation had complete and unfettered access to the region. Even during the attacks, I still had a team in Cabo Delgado. I’ve seen this suffering firsthand. I paid a visit to a refugee camp in the region. I talked to people who have been hurt, who have seen their family members slaughtered by ASWJ fighters. I met children, some of them as young as 8 or 9 years old, who have been assaulted by terrorists.
And these traumatized souls are living in makeshift, flimsy facilities that are basically made of leaves!
I’m heartbroken and outraged. I’d like to say I’m hopeful that things will change soon, but the UNHCR’s forecast of an increase in the number of refugees over the next few months gives me pause. (It’s also sobering to hear that the UNHCR has only been able to raise 5% of the $254Million in funding that it sought for its work in Mozambique last November.)
Cabo Delgado Needs More Than Security
I’m not trying to give the impression that nothing is being done for Cabo Delgado and its people. That would not be fair or accurate.
With respect to security, Maputo has pledged to work with TOTAL to establish a safe zone around the gas complex on the Afungi Peninsula. It will have to step up its efforts on this front, given that the attack on Palma occurred inside the perimeter of the designated zone, but it is seeking help. Also, earlier this month, Mozambique’s government invited U.S. military advisors and special forces into the country to deliver counter-terrorism training. It has also accepted an offer from Portugal, its former colonial ruler, to provide additional training for the Mozambican armed forces.
But this isn’t going to be enough.
Even though Mozambique’s government is committed to doing everything it can to bring real peace and stability to Cabo Delgado, it needs more support than it is currently getting. It will need ongoing support from the international community — not just in response to the most recent attacks, but for the long haul.
If it doesn’t get that, ASWJ will continue to wreak havoc and force people out of their homes, making terrorism the biggest cause of poverty in Mozambique. If there isn’t enough help — and if large-scale projects like Mozambique LNG no longer are an option to create jobs and grow the economy — the country will sink further into despair. Cabo Delgado’s people will feel even more marginalized. The country’s natural environment will continue to suffer damage, and there will be no one available to help.
Doing More — And Doing Better
So now more than ever, we have to find ways to combat terror in Cabo Delgado.
There has been talk about negotiations and giving amnesty to ASWJ members who give up the fight. And as I’ve already mentioned, there are plans to provide training and advisory services to Mozambique’s armed forces.
But we have to do more, and we have to do better — not just the international community, but all of us, as individuals and business leaders.
We can start by denouncing the evil that we’re seeing in Mozambique. We must condemn the assaults and the crimes that are being committed by the terrorists who seek to gain control of Cabo Delgado. We can’t just remain quiet, as if nothing consequential is happening there. We must give President Nyusi the necessary support and backing to fix this.
Right now, more than ever, the country needs our support and our voices, and our involvement. “Leaving behind nights of terror and fear, I rise. Into a daybreak that’s wondrously clear, I rise”. Concluded Maya Angelou. Energy workers, Palma, Cabo Delgado and Mozambique will rise out of this like the African sun rises every day.
NJ Ayuk is chairman of the African Energy Chamber.